"Part of the reason why poverty still persists in our continent is governments inability to work in a bi-partisan manner with the opposition to confront the many problems facing us as a continent. In almost all the advanced democracies a government in power works or listens to the opposition in matters of national importance such as education, defence, energy and the economy. However in Africa such matters are always hijacked by the ruling government to the detriment of the nation and its people". Lord Aikins Adusei

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Monday, June 1, 2009

The Troubled Angola Human Rights Report 2008

File:José Eduardo dos Santos 2.jpg
Eduardo dos Santos, President of Angola

According to the U.S. State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, the government's human rights record was poor, with numerous, serious problems. Human rights abuses included the abridgement of citizens’ right to elect officials at all levels; unlawful killings by police, military, and private security forces; security force torture, beatings, and rape; harsh prison conditions; official corruption and impunity; arbitrary arrest and detention; judicial inefficiency and lack of independence; lengthy pretrial detention; lack of due process; restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and assembly; forced evictions without compensation; and discrimination, violence, and abuse against women and children. The 1992 elections, won by the MPLA, were regarded by U.N. observers as generally free and fair. Legislative elections held in September 2008 did not meet expectations.

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

The government or its agents did not commit politically motivated killings; however, human rights activists and domestic media sources reported that security forces arbitrarily killed numerous persons during the year. Impunity remained a problem, although the government prosecuted some human rights violators. Results of investigations into security force abuses were seldom released. Police reportedly viewed extrajudicial killings as an alternative to relying on the country's ineffective judicial system.

Domestic media and local human rights activists reported that police use of excessive force resulted in killings.

On December 17, police shot and killed two actors as they filmed a movie in a high-crime area of Luanda. Police reportedly mistook the actors for armed robbers, fired without warning until stopped by the frantic movie director, then left the scene without rendering medical aid. An investigation was pending at year's end.

On December 18, police shot and killed two vendors in an open-air market during a raid of pirated DVD vendors. The minister of interior and national police commander immediately suspended the officers in question and promised a swift investigation. The government was still considering civil criminal charges against the accused police officers at year's end.

In February local human rights nongovernmental organization (NGO) Maos Livres reported that a man arrested in Luanda for stealing three cases of cod died in police custody. Maos Livres claimed the man was severely beaten and denied medical care; police said the officers were acting in self defense. During the year there were media reports in Luanda that police deliberately targeted and killed persons suspected of gang and other criminal activity; the National Police neither confirmed nor denied the reports.

There were no further developments into the following 2006 incidents of alleged unlawful killings by security forces: the February killing of a youth in Luanda suspected of gang activity and May death of a pregnant woman after her arrest by police in Luanda Norte

The Memorandum of Understanding for Peace and Reconciliation for Cabinda Province, signed in August 2006, largely brought an end to the insurgency in the province, though international and domestic media sources reported sporadic attacks by dissident factions of the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), and counter-insurgency operations by the Armed Forces of Angola (FAA) continued during the year. There was one report of an unlawful killing in Cabinda that could be linked to FAA soldiers. The incident remained under investigation. There were no updates during the year on the 2006 unlawful killing in Cabinda linked to FAA soldiers.

Reports of killings by private security companies in diamond concession areas continued, but declined significantly during the year, according to Partnership Canada Africa's Diamond Industry Annual Review. While local or Luanda-based authorities investigated some of the cases, no arrests were reported.

There were no further developments in the numerous alleged 2006 or 2005 unlawful killings by police.

There were reports of vigilante violence during the year. In November violent riots broke out in Huambo after a policeman shot and killed a taxi driver, reportedly for his refusing to pay a bribe. Angry witnesses attacked and severely beat the police officer. Later a group of taxi drivers and other citizens fired shots at a local police station. No charges were filed, although local residents reported that police arrested several taxi drivers in the weeks following the incident.

Landmines placed during the long civil war were a continuing threat. According to the May national Landmine Impact Survey, landmine and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) accidents increased during the year; 31 accidents killed 64 persons and injured 48 persons during the year, compared to 15 accidents which killed 11 and injured 22 persons in 2006. This increase was largely due to increased movement of persons around the country, especially returnees who were not familiar with existing mine risks in resettlement areas. The government continued to strengthen and expand national demining capacity during the year, and partnered extensively with international NGOs on demining operations and mine risk education.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances. However, there were media reports that persons taken into police or military custody disappeared, as some prisoners could not be located or accounted for following the September prison riots in Luanda's Central Prison.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, government security forces tortured, beat, and otherwise abused persons. Reports of beatings and other abuses in police stations during interrogations were common. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions (UNWGAD) reported a number of detainees with visible signs of torture. Police and other security forces were rarely held accountable. Although the government punished some violators administratively, no prosecutions occurred during the year.

Abuses by the army continued. There were NGO and media reports of violence by FAA troops in Cabinda and Lunda Norte. In Cabinda FAA troops illegally detained, beat, or threatened citizens suspected of FLEC collaboration during anti-insurgency operations, according to human rights NGOs. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) noted in 2006 that the attention paid by senior FAA officials to human rights issues had substantially improved since 2004; however, the FAA did not take action against officials who committed abuses during the year.

The government conducted multiple operations throughout the country to identify, detain, and expel illegal immigrants, particularly in the diamond-rich provinces of Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that over 50,000 illegal immigrants were expelled during the year. There were reports of violence and degrading treatment associated with some of these operations.

The NGO Doctors Without Borders (MSF) reported that illegal Congolese immigrants detained in Lunda Norte were subjected to the systematic rape of women, beatings, forced labor, withholding of food and water, and repeated cavity searches without the use of gloves as they were moved to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) border for expulsion. Several children reportedly died from malnourishment and dehydration. ALthough the women stated they were abused by "soldiers," it is unclear if the abusers were FAA, national or border police, or other armed and uniformed private security forces. The UN Children's fund (UNICEF) also reported allegations of excessive use of force by government security forces during expulsions, including the burning of houses, arbitrary arrests, sexual violence, extortion, and forced labor. Three Congolese workers reportedly died while in custody. The FAA pledged to investigate these allegations; the investigation was pending at year's end.

Reports of abuses by private security companies continued, especially in Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul. According to reports from human rights activists, private security contractors hired by diamond companies to protect their concessions from illegal exploitation were reportedly responsible for most of the violence. For example, private security forces allegedly allowed a security dog to attack a man, who suffered severe stomach and pelvic injuries as a result. The government provided financial assistance for the victim's medical treatment, but no charges were filed.

Police and immigration officials at border checkpoints and provincial airports reportedly extorted money from travelers and harassed returnees and refugees.

There were no developments in 2006 and 2005 cases of police torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment by security forces.

Landmine and ERW-related deaths increased during the year as returnees and infrastructure improvements served to increase the movement of persons and goods in rural, war-affected areas.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening. Human rights activists reported that prison officials routinely beat and tortured detainees. In a September visit, UNWGAD interviewed prisoners who showed visible signs of torture, starvation, and abuse. The national prison system continued to hold more than five times the number of prisoners for which it was designed. The Central Prison, located on the outskirts of Luanda, was built to house 600 prisoners, but before violent riots in October the prison population held 3,300 prisoners. At year's end the prison still held more than 1,000 prisoners. In some provinces warehouses and other industrial buildings were used as prison facilities.

Many prisons did not supply prisoners with basic sanitary facilities, adequate food, or health care. Prisoners depended on families or other outside assistance for basic support. Chronically underpaid prison officials reportedly supported themselves by stealing from prisoners and extorting money from family members. Prison guards reportedly continued to demand that prisoners pay for weekend passes to which they were entitled. There were reports of prison officials operating an informal bail system, releasing prisoners until their trial dates for a fee.

Female inmates informed the UNWGAD that they were regularly raped by prison guards.

Violent prison riots in October occurred in two of the prisons visited by the UNWGAD and resulted in prisoner deaths. The three-day riot in Luanda's overcrowded Central Prison was reportedly sparked by an argument between a guard and an inmate, although human rights activists blamed the riots on prison conditions. Government spokesmen stated that two persons were killed during the rioting, but nongovernment media sources reported a higher number of deaths. Some families of inmates stated that their family members were detained in the prison, but not listed on inmate lists released after the riots. The government asserted that lists were complete and offered no assistance in locating missing persons. The government also transferred some detainees to the Viana Prison or to prisons in other provinces after the riots to ease overcrowding.

There were reports that prisoners died of disease, especially in provincial prisons. Many serious illnesses were improperly diagnosed, delaying proper treatment. Prison conditions varied widely between provinces and municipalities.

Juveniles, often incarcerated for petty theft, were regularly housed with adults and subject to abuse by guards and inmates in provincial prisons, but were increasingly separated from the main population in larger urban prisons. Juvenile detention centers were present in Luanda but were severely overcrowded.

Pretrial detainees were frequently housed with sentenced inmates, and short-term detainees were often held with those serving long-term sentences for violent crimes, especially in provincial prisons.

The government permitted foreign diplomatic personnel and local and international human rights observers to visit prisons during the year. The UNWGAD noted the government's support of and cooperation with its visit, but stated they were denied access to two of the prisons they asked to visit, including a military prison in Cabinda. The ICRC was also denied access to some prisons during the year. The human rights ombudsman and Parliamentary Human Rights Commission made several independent prison visits during the year. The Association for Justice, Peace and Democracy (AJPD), a local human rights NGO, was allowed to visit prisons during the year, but was denied access immediately following October's prison riots.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, security forces--particularly the National Police--often did not respect these prohibitions in practice. There were unconfirmed, anecdotal reports that national police held family members of wanted individuals.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

The National Police, under the Interior Ministry, are responsible for internal security and law enforcement. The Internal Intelligence Service reports to the Office of the Presidency and investigates sensitive state security matters. The FAA is responsible for external security but also has domestic responsibilities, including border security, expulsion of illegal immigrants, presidential security, and small-scale actions against the dissident FLEC faction in Cabinda.

Other than personnel assigned to elite units, police were poorly paid, and the practice of supplementing income through extortion of civilians was widespread. Corruption and impunity remained serious problems. Most complaints were handled within the National Police by internal disciplinary procedures, which sometimes led to formal punishment, including dismissal. However, the government did not have a mechanism to investigate transparently and punish alleged offenders, and in most cases failed to provide any additional information on investigations or legal proceedings.

There were no updates on the 2006 reports that a government investigation had targeted senior National Police officials for racketeering.

During the year various government ministries, AJPD, the UN Human Rights Office (UNHRO), and other local and international NGOs expanded programs to provide human rights and professional training to the police and the military. The Joint Training Team, made up of the Central Police Command, NGO representatives, and the UNHRO, also worked to expand police training on human rights from provincial capitals to municipalities. The Prosecutor's Office expanded collaboration with the UNHRO to train human rights monitors at the provincial and municipal level. Police participated in professional training with foreign law enforcement officials from several countries in the region.

Arrest and Detention

The law requires a judge or magistrate to issue a warrant prior to an arrest, although a person caught committing a crime may be immediately arrested without a warrant, but security forces did not always procure arrest warrants before detaining persons. Arrest warrants may be signed by the judicial police and confirmed within five days by a magistrate. The constitution provides for the right to prompt judicial determination of the detention's legality, but authorities did not always respect this right in practice. In many cases detainees were never brought before a judge or prosecutor. A person generally may not be held for more than 135 days without trial; however, he may be detained for up to 180 days if caught committing a crime punishable by a prison sentence. In practice these limits were regularly exceeded. There was a functioning but ineffective bail system that was widely used for minor crimes. The law permits detainees access to legal counsel and states that indigent detainees should be provided a lawyer by the state; however, these rights often were not respected. The law also allows family members prompt access to detainees; however, this was also sometimes ignored or made conditional upon payment of a bribe.

Security officials arbitrary arrested NGO employees and members of the opposition (see section 4).

For example, on August 9, security forces arrested three members of the Front for Democracy Party in Cabinda on charges of enticing public disobedience for distributing party literature a day prior to a presidential visit to the province. Two of the members were released for lack of evidence, and the third was sentenced to six months' imprisonment, which was later reduced to two years' probation.

On February 19, security forces arrested members of the Angolan Party for Democratic Support and Progress on charges of enticing public disobedience while distributing pamphlets critical of the government delivery of social services. On March 2, courts dismissed the case because the prosecutor did not find the distribution of pamphlets to be criminal.

Unlawful arrest and detention continued to be a serious problem. Police did not obtain warrants before conducting searches for illegal vendors and making sweeps of public markets. Human rights organizations, such as AJPD, continued efforts to secure the release of illegally detained persons. During the year citizens reported to AJPD more than 700 cases of illegal detention. In mining regions, such as Lunda North and South, MSF, UNICEF, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported that expelled illegal immigrants and their families were unlawfully detained by government security forces in transit centers, where they were subjected to systematic rape, body cavity searches, and deprived of food and water.

Local residents reported that security forces detained persons in Cabinda suspected of FLEC activity or collaboration. Civilians reportedly were held incommunicado in a military prison in Cabinda, where UNWGAD and ICRC were denied permission to visit.

Excessively long pretrial detention also continued to be a serious problem. An inadequate number of judges and poor communication among authorities led to prolonged pretrial detention. In November 2006 the Justice Ministry estimated that approximately 60 percent of Luanda's prison population consisted of pretrial detainees, the number of which increased during the year due to police-run crime and delinquency reductions campaigns. Police often beat and then released detainees rather than prepare a formal court case. In some cases, inmates were held in the prison system for up to two years before their trials began. Unlike in the previous year, the government did not release detainees who had been held beyond the legal time limit, claiming the 2006 release of approximately 2,000 pretrial detainees resulted in an increase in crime.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was inefficient, corrupt, and subject to executive influence. Judicial corruption and inefficiency, especially at the administrative level, remained a problem; the Justice Ministry worked to counter this through the continued implementation of a court case filing system and random assignment of judges. During the year the government continued to rebuild courts and train new magistrates and prosecutors, but the judiciary was still short approximately 350 judges, according to the Supreme Court president. The Justice Ministry also continued efforts to update case management systems, train law clerks, increase the number of municipal courts, and develop a mediation system for civil complaints.

The court system consists of the Supreme Court as well as municipal and provincial courts of first instance under the authority of the Supreme Court. Trials for political and security crimes are handled exclusively by the Supreme Court, which serves as the appellate court for questions of law and fact. The Supreme Court also provides judicial review of constitutional issues. The president has the power to appoint Supreme Court justices without confirmation by the parliament.

There were long trial delays at the Supreme Court level. Criminal courts also had a large backlog of cases that resulted in major delays in hearings.

Due to the lack of judicial infrastructure and the continuing authority of traditional leaders, informal or traditional courts remained the principal institutions through which citizens resolved conflicts in many rural areas. As most municipalities did not have prosecutors or judges, local police often served as investigator, prosecutor, and judge. Traditional leaders (sobas) also heard and decided local cases. These informal systems did not provide citizens with the same rights to a fair trial as the formal legal system; instead, each community in which they were located established local rules.

Source: US State Department

Race, privilege and dead black men



AP PHOTO/KAREL PRINSLOO
Thomas Cholmondeley, far right, (pronounced CHUM-lee) was convicted of killing a black poacher. Until two days ago, he thought he might walk free.
THIS ARTICLE ORIGINALLY APPEARED ON VANITYFAIR.COM

When I read in the papers last week that Kenyan aristocrat Thomas Cholmondeley was convicted of manslaughter for fatally shooting a poacher who had illegally entered his family's ancestral ranch, it didn't surprise me. The shock came after I learned that somehow Cholmondeley, along with other members of the privileged white African community, honestly believed he might be found innocent.

The precise details of the shooting remain a mystery, at least in part. Cholmondeley contests that he was acting in self-defence, adding that the fateful bullet may not actually have been fired from his gun. The representatives and supporters of the victim, on the other hand, claim that the accused's conduct amounts to murder. Whatever the discrepancies, the unalterable fact remains that a poor black man died while under fire from a scion of a prominent white colonial family.

It doesn't take an international-law expert to understand that, after suffering centuries of oppression under British colonists, black Africans living in the Rift Valley would react skeptically to anyone in Cholmondeley's position. And their outrage seems particularly justified when you take into account that, only a year before this particular controversy, Cholmondeley shot and killed another man he mistakenly identified as a poacher on the family estate (the man was actually a Kenyan wildlife official).

Cholmondeley's close friends and allies characterize him as the best kind of guy there is – gracious, caring and free of malicious feelings toward anyone. Personally, I have never met him. From one degree of separation, I can tell you that a woman I know well and trust unfailingly – a regular visitor to Cholmondeley in his Kenyan prison cell – told me she believes he is nothing more than a tragic victim of bad luck.

I myself am certainly not qualified to judge his innocence. But I can say that something odd often happens to aristocrats who spend large amounts of time on isolated family estates. The illusion of mastery over people and events takes hold. Personal eccentricities gain traction. It's not entirely unlike the Grey Gardens phenomenon. Without a strong connection to life beyond the high walls, members of the landed gentry tend to develop a sense of apathy toward the customs governing ordinary social conduct.

Take the legendary photographer Peter Beard, for example. Most people know him for his highly regarded images of African wildlife, but he is also a genuine member of the American upper class, who, after attending a string of the fanciest schools in the northeast, moved to Kenya, where he purchased a ranch of his own. While touring his land in 1967, Beard found a dead antelope that had been caught in an illegal trap. His response to the discovery was unorthodox by any measure. Shortly after the incident, Sports Illustrated published the following account:

"Enraged, he set out to catch the poacher, and when he spotted an African approaching another trap nearby, he jumped him. With the help of his Somali servant, Beard beat the man up, stuffed a glove in his mouth and used wire from the traps to tie his hands to one tree and his feet to another. Then he walked off and left the suspected poacher hanging there."

Eventually, the authorities arrested Beard for seeking such extreme retribution.

Close to a half a century ago, on the finest estate in the community where I was raised – Far Hills, New Jersey – a young woman deliberately set her family's mansion on fire. Nearly everything was torched: artwork, furniture, even dogs and cats. A formal investigation never established exactly what had happened, nor did it officially cast blame on anyone involved. Years later, however, a dormitory at the school where this same troubled youth was enrolled burst into flames. And although a perpetrator was not publicly identified, the young woman was temporarily sent to a mental hospital for treatment. What's most interesting about the entire ordeal is that almost everyone in the neighbourhood dismisses the arson as quaint behaviour from a curious young child. Generations of local residents have witnessed such freakish occurrences so regularly they no longer pay much attention.

Just 48 hours before his final sentencing, this past Thursday, Thomas Cholmondeley offered to pay compensation to his victim's widow in exchange for his freedom. Cholmondeley's barrister announced before a crowded courtroom that the proposed deal would "assuage the pain and suffering by both sides by meeting whatever material and spiritual needs which may arise." The victim's widow has already said that Cholmondeley should escape further imprisonment so that his family doesn't have to suffer like hers has.

On Thursday, the judge disagreed, sentencing Cholmondeley to eight months in jail.

Jamie Johnson is the director of documentaries Born Rich and The One Percent and an heir to the Johnson & Johnson fortune.

Outrage in Kenya over sentence for white landowner


By KATHARINE HOURELD

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — In a case that stirred fierce resentments over race and land, a Kenyan judge on Thursday sentenced the son of a baron to eight months in prison for killing a black poacher on his vast family estate.

The sentence handed down to Thomas Cholmondeley — a fraction of the possible life in prison he faced — provoked shouts of protest from Maasai tribesmen and sighs of relief from white landowners, both of whom packed into the crowded courtroom.

Judge Muga Apondi last week convicted Cholmondeley of manslaughter in the 2006 shooting of a 37-year-old black poacher, Robert Njoya. The judge had reduced the charge down from murder, saying he believed Cholmondeley's attempts to give Njoya first aid helped prove that he accidentally shot the poacher when aiming at his dogs.

On Thursday, the judge said he took the three years Cholmondeley had already served into account, concluding, "I hereby wish to impose a light sentence on the accused to allow him to reflect on his life."

Cholmondeley's parents, Lord and Lady Delamere, listened to the verdict along with Sarah Njoya, the widow of the dead poacher, and traditionally dressed Maasai activists whose elongated earlobes brushed the traditional red-checked blankets they wore.

The sentence provoked immediate protests from the public gallery, where women wrapped in colorful cloths wearing traditional beaded jewelry waved signs depicting guns and dead bodies.

"We want justice," read one.

The tall, bespectacled Cholmondeley, who has been imprisoned in squalid conditions since his arrest in May 2006, will return to the maximum security prison, defense lawyer Fred Ojiambo said.

The prosecution said it would consider appealing the sentence, which Ojiambo described as "very just."

Njoya's death was the second time in just over a year that Cholmondeley had shot and killed a black man on his largely ungated farm. The first shooting did not come to trial, sparking protests from locals who said there had been high-level government intervention in the case.

Grievances raised by the case reach far beyond the Cholmondeley family. Some Kenyans resent all white farmers as symbols of the British colonists who stole land from local tribes.

After independence in 1963, Britain funded a scheme to transfer some of that land into African hands. Most of the land, however, was taken by powerful local politicians, forcing the original inhabitants to disperse to other, already crowded areas.

That injustice still rankles — and it contributed to bloody tribal clashes sparked by Kenya's disputed 2007 election, when politicians resurrected the issue to mobilize their supporters against political rivals. Over 1,000 people were killed, many of them slum dwellers hacked or bludgeoned to death in the lake-studded Rift Valley where the Cholmondeley estate lies.

"This court understands the undercurrents (of the case), but I believe the executive is dealing with the issues of land," Apondi said in court, referring to both the postelection violence and protests following the first shooting on the Cholmondeley estate.

Njoya's impoverished widow, who has four children, said she was planning to file a civil suit against the family after consulting her lawyers. Currently, she said she is earning around $2 a day for farm work.

"I am still struggling to survive," Sarah Njoya said from the battered public minibus taking her home. "I just want a future for my children."

Ojiambo said she might be offered financial support for her children but the Cholmondeleys had not yet discussed the issue.

Will Knocker, a family friend, said Cholmondeley's family was distraught at the thought of him enduring further prison time.

"(Although they're) probably very pleased considering what we thought may happen three days ago," he said.

Cholmondeley was educated at Eton, one of Britain's most exclusive schools, and is the great-grandson of the third Baron Delamere, one of Kenya's first important white settlers more than a century ago. The third baron was famous for riding his horse into one of Nairobi's hotels and shooting out the bottles behind the bar.

The trial has also evoked memories of the fourth Baron Delamere, Cholmondeley's grandfather. He was the fourth husband of Diana Broughton, a blonde socialite whose lovers were rumored to outnumber her jewels.

Broughton's lover was shot in the head on the outskirts of Nairobi in the 1940s and her second husband, Jock Broughton, was tried, and acquitted, for the murder.

The episode inspired a book and 1987 film, both called "White Mischief," which highlighted the adulterous, alcoholic lives of some of Kenya's early colonialists in the fertile Rift Valley.

Associated Press Writer Tom Maliti contributed to this report.

Nigeria: Why Democracy is On Course - Yar'Adua


Kingsley Omonobi

Abuja — PRESIDENT Umaru Yar'Adua said yesterday that the nations' democratic governance has lasted 10 years, uninterrupted, which the nation is celebrating today because of the deep-rooted loyalty and professionalism of the officers and men of the Nigerian armed forces.

His words: "tomorrow (today) marks the 10th anniversary of civil democratic governance in Nigeria. It is gratifying to note that the nation's Armed Services have been critical partners over the last 10 years in the quest for the entrenchment and strengthening of democratic ideals, institutions, and structures.

"Subordination to civil authority as enshrined in the Constitution of the 

Federal Republic of Nigeria has become institutionalised. This development is due 

to the deep-rooted loyalty and patriotism of the officers and men of our Armed Forces."

FG plans Police reform

And in his Democracy Day speech, the President announced the Government's 

plan to reform the Police Force.

He said: "In keeping with our commitment to ensuring security of lives and       property in all parts of the country, we have taken steps to reform the Nigerian Police Force and bridge its funding gap by getting the National Council of State to agree to the creation of a special fund which will receive contributions for its operations from the three tiers of government."

Speaking at the foundation-laying ceremony of the Shehu Musa Yar'Adua Barracks in Asokoro, Abuja, the President hailed the Armed forces for their outstanding courage and professional excellence so far displayed in the performance of their internal security duties as well as in peacekeeping missions abroad saying it is a prideto the nation.

"Our pride as a nation is in the outstanding courage and professional

 excellence of our officers and men in the various international peace support

 and internal security operations."

While urging the military to keep the 'flag flying', he said, "On our part, 

I want to assure you that this administration will continue to do all it can to

 ensure the welfare and wellbeing of members of our Armed Forces".

Emphasising that the effort at ensuring good accommodation for the 

Armed Forces is not limited to Abuja alone, he said "nationwide, the 

Presidential Committee on Barracks Renovation is pursuing its mandate vigorously.

More barracks will be given the desired facelift for the comfort and 

professional wellbeing of all personnel, while basic infrastructure will 

continue to receive priority attention".

Describing the building of the barracks in honour of his late brother as

 a commendable initiative, Yar'Adua said, "I expect that when I come to commission

 the new and modern Shehu Musa Yar'Adua Barracks in the 

no distant future, we would be initiating even more impressive i

nfrastructural development projects for our Armed Forces".

Restates offer to militants

On the Niger Delta, the President restated the Government's offer of amnesty to militants.

According to him, "Our offer of amnesty to militants in the region who lay down their arms remains on the table. I urge them to avail themselves of this offer and join hands with us and their peaceful and law-abiding compatriots to develop the Niger Delta for the benefit of its people."

Earlier, Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Abdurahman Dambazau said the barracks was named after the late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua in recognition of his contributions to the development of the Nigerian Army particularly his concern for the welfare of the officers and men.

Relevant Links

  • www.ghanapundit.blogspot.com

Giving the genesis of how the barracks came about,

 the Army Chief said, "Sometime in October 

2008, I approached Mr. President on the need for special intervention 

to construct barracks accommodation for our soldiers due to acute 

accommodation problem, which resulted in the pairing of two to three families 

in a flat."The approval of Mr. President for this special intervention gave birth to 

this particular project being constructed through direct labour by the Nigerian 

Army engineers. The barracks would accommodate 600 families on

 completion in the next 24 months".

Expressing happiness that it is the first time in the history of Nigerian 

Army that the construction of a whole barracks, including the 

infrastructure is being undertaken by the army engineers, 

Dambazau said, "This feat affirms the capacity of the Nigerian Army 

Engineers to handle mega projects"

Source: Vanguard

Nigeria: Democracy - 'We've Cause to Celebrate'



Yinka Kolawole

Osogbo — Chairman, Egbedore Local Government Area of Osun State, Honourable Bamidele Salam, has said there is still cause to appreciate 10 years of unbroken democratic rule, despite its many challenges.

Salam said this while speaking with THISDAY on this year's Democracy Day, in Osogbo, adding that Nigeria has moved from the zero point and gradually grasping with democratic ideals. He said Nigeria's socio-economic growth is being stalled by corruption in high places, a situation which need to be addressed seriously. He said with several convicted corrupt officials still walking freely, it will be difficult for the average Nigerian to condemn corruption.

Apart from rejuvenating corruption fighting agencies, Salam wants the law to deal with convicted public officers.

Source: THIS DAY

Nigeria: 10 Years on, Country Toasts to Democracy

    You can read more by visting the following sites

Omololu Ogunmade

analysis

Lagos — Today is a significant day in Nigeria's political history. For the first time since its independence in 1960, Nigeria will celebrate ten years of uninterrupted democratic practice. The decade has witnessed a historic successive change of government.

Previous democratic dispensations had always come to an abrupt end shortly after the commencement of the second tenure of each democratic government. But these ten years of consecutive civil rule, in the opinion of many, has shown that democracy has finally come to stay in Nigeria and, hence, it is worth celebrating.

Although, the system has been characterised with perceived impunity among political actors, this dispensation has also witnessed the sustenance of various democratic institutions, such as the legislature, whose members have always emerged through periodic elections and have helped in the policy-making process, as well as serving as checks on the other arms of government.

It is, however, glaring that the system is still flawed by electoral malpractices. Yet, it is a different scenario entirely from the military era when people did not have a say whatsoever in choosing their leaders.

The current system is suffering from three major ailments: internal undemocratic system within the existing political parties, corruption of the electoral process as well as the abuse of court process.

These three predicaments, which have hampered the free flow of the democratisation process, are authored by the ambition of the politicians to ascend positions of authority by any means.

Besides, the culture of impunity in this decade of civil rule has witnessed the unconstitutional impeachment of three governors by their states' houses of assembly.

In this category was the case of Senator Rashidi Ladoja, former Oyo State governor, who was impeached by 18 of the 32 lawmakers in the House on January 12, 2006, without constituting the required two-third majority to carry out such a sensitive action.

A similar episode was the ouster of the former governor of Plateau State, Chief Joshua Dariye, who was impeached by six of the 24-member House on November 13, 2006, despite a substantive court order which had dissolved the panel of enquiry set up by the House to investigate the allegations against the former governor.

The third episode of the illegal impeachment was witnessed in Anambra State, when incumbent Governor Peter Obi of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), was impeached at 5am, against the constitutional schedule of the House's activities on November 6, 2006.

The exciting aspect of this fleet of unlawful impeachment exercises, however, was the prompt intervention of the judiciary which nullified the alleged legislative recklessness and returned the three victims who accordingly served out or are serving out their respective tenures.

Also, a major concern in the polity today is that the country, unlike the case in the previous republics when opposition parties had significant participation in the system by winning elections in their areas of strength, this system appears to be tilting towards a one-party state, where the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is accused of wanting to capture the 36 states of the federation.

But even as imperfect as our civil rule may be, it has been a marked departure from the trend during the military regimes when notable fundamental human rights of the people such as freedom of expression as well as freedom of the press were violated with impunity.

Between 1985 and 1998 for instance, when Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha held sway as dictatorial heads of state, a number of newspaper houses were proscribed, while a number of journalists were killed, brutalised and jailed.

The hostile environment created by the military regimes forced some media platforms to go underground before they could sustain their publications.

But the trend has largely changed in this dispensation. Even though there have been occasional attacks on the media by the government of the day, no media organisation has been proscribed, while brutality of journalists has reasonably reduced.

In the same vein, freedom of expression was anathema during the military administrations. Nigerians who dared to utter their opinions against the perceived despotic rule of the moment had their lives on the line.

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Sespite the myriad of inconsistencies prevalent in this system, it is the views of observers, that the current democratic system is still evolving. It is also the opinion of many political enthusiasts that the instability characterising the system might have been largely averted if the First Republic had been allowed to run. Optimists argue that the impunity prevalent in the current system is the fall-out of the military interregnum of the previous years.

It is believed that if this dispensation is allowed to run for decades to come, Nigeria would mature in democratic practice.

The judiciary has not been a disappointment in this dispensation as it has at different occasions moved to right the wrongs perpetrated by politicians by restoring stolen mandates and jailing some corrupt politicians.

The conclusion of many is that no matter its imperfections, Nigeria's democracy is worth being given a try. And many will conclude that the atmosphere of freedom alone is worth toasting to.

Nigeria: Pains, Gains of a Decade of Democracy


Ademola Adeyemo

28 May 2009


Lagos — On May 29, 1999, the then Military Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar handed over the reins of power to former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Today marks the tenth anniversary of that historic event and uninterrupted democratic rule in Africa's most populous country. Ademola Adeyemo in this report examines the gains and pains of one decade of civil rule in Nigeria

In his farewell speech on May 28, 1999, the then Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar declared that it was time for the military to return to its constitutional role of defending the country's territorial integrity and sovereignty. According to him, "We must, forever, resist and renounce the seduction and temptation of political power and office. We must subject ourselves completely to civil authority. This is a sacred duty to which we must bind ourselves. It is our best guarantee to earn and retain the respect of our people. It is also your best chance for earning the approbation of the rest of a fast, changing world, in which new political and social values are transcendent."

With the speech, Abubakar put an end to the long years of military rule from December, 1983, which had exposed Nigeria to coups and counter coups which had also rendered attempted democratic rule abortive.

Also, former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his acceptance speech titled "Restoration of confidence in government" said he was aware of the widespread cynicism and total lack of confidence in government arising from the bad faith, deceit and evil actions of the past administrations". He then promised to implement quickly and decisively, measures that would restore confidence in governance.

He then went ahead to list as his administration's priority, the issue of Food Supply, Food Security and Agriculture, restoration of Law and order with particular reference to Armed Robbery, and to Cultism in our educational institutions, Exploration and Production of Petroleum , Education , Macro-economic policies - particularly, Exchange rate management, Supply and Distribution of Petroleum Products , The Debt Issue, Corruption, Drugs, organised fraud called 419 activities, and crimes leading to loss of lives, properties and investment, poverty alleviation among others.

Obasanjo spent eight years before handing over to the incumbent President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua who came out with a Seven-Point Agenda listed as Power and Energy, Food Security and Agriculture, Wealth Creation and Employment, Mass Transportation, Land Reform and Security.

Opinion leaders are generally happy with the civilian rule on the ground that it is the only form of governance that can guarantee improved economy like what obtains in some other countries and also guarantee the triumph of the will of the people through genuine representation at all tiers of government as enshrined in democratic tenets.

This belief no doubt, was responsible for the political stability in Nigeria from May 29, 1999 to date. Unfortunately, Nigeria's democratic progress was marred by corruption, electoral malpractices, nepotism and lack of patriotism on the part of the leaders.

According to Chinedu Akuta, the Coordinator of Support Option A4 Group "Sincerely speaking, the only gain we have got in the past 10 years of democracy in Nigeria is simply that we have had a civilian regime. Besides it has not been truly civilian in the true sense of it". Many analysts believe that Nigeria's 10 years of uninterrupted democratic rule should have been able to solve the problems of inadequate basic needs of life such as good roads, good health amenities, quality education, improved wages for workers, restructuring of petroleum sector, uninterrupted power supply, genuine electoral reform, freedom of information, equitable distribution of wealth, justice and fairness and even the resolution of the restiveness in the Niger Delta region without recourse to military offensive. If these have been achieved, today would have called for the clinking of glasses and the rolling out of drums. But, ten years after the restoration of democracy in Nigeria, the nation's experience is that of a mixed grill, an admixture of tears and laughter.

Analysts are of the opinion that the ten years of self-governance in Nigeria has not impacted positively on the lives of the people as leaders have not delivered the democracy dividends to the people.

According to the Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP), there is nothing for Nigeria to celebrate as it marks ten years of civil rule.

CNPP National Publicity Secretary, Osita Okechukwu, in his assessment of the decade, used best practices, known indices, core ingredients of democracy and the primary purpose of government- security and welfare of the people, clearly enunciated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. After his evaluation, he concluded that democracy is vanishing in Nigeria. He said that Nigeria is dangerously sliding into a one party state and that the ten years can be classified as 10 locust years.

"It is our considered view that indeed Nigerians cannot in all honesty claim to be practicing democracy, when the people's votes do not count, nor do we have government by the people and for the people; that at best we can claim that we are under civil rule."

"Conducted random sample of citizens across the country showed that there was nothing to rejoice, when they are not part of decision making and their votes do not count.

Okechukwu claimed that responses of Nigerians to CNPP questionnaires on how the country has fared show that this is not the democracy Chief M.K.O. Abiola, General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, Bobo Nwosisi, Bagauda Kaltho and dozens of Nigerians died fighting for.

The opposition political parties said that Nigerians regret that in spite of over N85trillion realised between 1999 and 2008, through unprecedented oil receipts; the state and Federal Government cannot fix the decayed infrastructures such as roads.

Former governor of Anambra State, Dr Chukwemeka Ezeife in his assessment, described the past ten years as "a decade of civilian rule but not democracy." "Ten years, that is a whole decade, is a very long time indeed. On that, we should get agreement. But when we assess how we have fared, there may be some disagreements. You don't expect people who made some billions from the system to accept that we have fared poorly. By the way, how would anyone expect those that have made and are still making billions from the system to accept that we have fared poorly? They make the billions from the weaknesses and defects of the system", Ezeife said.

He further stressed, "I believe we have been moving; great movements. The only problem is the direction of the movement. Yes, we have been moving, making progress, backwards; easy to show. You talked about democracy. Democracy is associated with elections. How have the elections gone since 1999 till date? The 1999 election was disputed, but it was vastly better than the 2003 elections. People shouted foul about the 2003 election but that was infinitely better than the non-election of 2007. Each election has been worse, more flawed than the one before it. We cannot be getting to democracy by running further away from it.

So, in my view, it has been 10 years of civilian rule, not of democracy."

Also, Chief Sunny Azubuike Okogwu in his opinion described the 10 years of democracy in Nigeria as full of "autocracy, authoritarian democracy, aggression, force and dictation."

Assessing President Yar'Adua's two years administration, Okogwu said "In two years, PDP did not tell us what they ask the president to do. The president waited for one year and there was no assignment given to him by the party and had to announce a self appointed project, the seven-point agenda. The country has remained static and everybody knows that there is a storm on the seven- point agenda. So, the president needs help to refine the agenda, transform them and make them practicable. What I am saying is that our president is trapped."

But Senate Spokesman, Senator Ayogu Eze , Chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Information said that all is not bad for the decade of democracy in Nigeria. "It has been good but that does not mean that there have been no challenges especially in the areas of infrastructure and poverty eradication. Of course, there is no country where poverty has been wiped out totally.

"But the fact that you have reduced poverty this time does not mean that there cannot be factors that can come up later to change the equation. Look at America for instance, after the meltdown, the unemployment rate rose and it happened across the globe.

It doesn't mean that the political office holders working in America have not been delivering but these are dynamic things that keep changing with time and so is Nigeria, I believe we have the duty to provide what we need and that our people also have a duty to provide a purposeful, content-driven followership. "

Senator Eze also said that the leaders cannot be totally blamed for the woes of the nation, rather he said that since democracy thrives more on the vigilance of the followership than on the vision of the leadership, the vision of the leadership must be completed by the vigilance of the followership.

"When the followership is inactive or lackadaisical, the tendency is that the checks and balances that have been imputed into the system would not operate, and if they don't operate, of course, the executive could only be a reflection of what the entire country is".

Speaking further he said: "The point I am trying to make is that it is true that the leaders have not done all that our people expect, but it is also truer, that the people who expect these leaders to do so much have not shown that they are actually alive to their responsibilities or that they understand what they should do."

How many Nigerians even understand many of the laws that we pass here? For instance, look at the money bill that we passed, how many people have taken the appropriation act to say this project that was provided for this year in my constituency, that project is not being executed or is not done well".

The problem with Nigerians is that there are a lot of arm chair critics, people who don't even understand issues before they start commenting on them because one sad thing that has happened in this country is that the appetite for reading has taken a flight, people are no longer interested in reading, reaching themselves and getting knowledge, the result is that people comment on issues out of ignorant.

While also commenting on the nations ten years of democracy, The Prelate, Methodist Church Nigeria, His Eminence, Dr. Sunday Ola Makinde said that the Church has sustained democracy with prayers and fasting. According to the prelate, "Ten years of democracy is a learning process because the military had bastardized the democratic process for many years. So, these 10 years are for reconstruction and the church has been vocal. It has supported the government both spiritually and otherwise, for the progress of democracy.

"The church has also been vocal even on corruption but people expect the church to over-do things - just to criticise the government even when they are doing well. Even as bad as Abacha's government was, there were certain things that government did well. You don't throw away the baby with a bath water; it is wrong. It is not the way of Christ. Where there was need for Christ to commend, he would do so, and where he needed to condemn he did so.

He added: "The church is not just to condemn or criticise; we are also to provide solutions because most of our problems are spiritual, which need spiritual solutions as well. Since the 80s till date, there has not been stable electricity; the roads are bad; water is not there; there is starvation in the land due to corruption.

During the June 12 crisis, the country should have been turned apart, if not for the prayers of the church. What happened then was enough to really tear this country asunder. The incessant religious crisis in the North, where many Igbo and Yoruba tribes were killed, was it not enough to wipe out this country? And those involved in the killings were never brought to book."

He however said "But it is a pity that we could not manage electoral process; it is lamentable. Look at South Africa and Ghana even our neighbour here; they were able to hold credible elections. They should allow the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to be 100 per cent independent of the ruling government.

"Again, my fear about democracy is that we are gravitating towards one-party state and it is very dangerous for a nation. And this one-party, has its numerous problems. It's a divided party, that is, not cohesive. Even when Obasanjo was there, and now, too, most critics of the ruling party were members of the ruling party. It's a house divided against itself that cannot stand. That is why we have to address these issues critically and INEC that is being manipulated, is not INEC

We must have credible people to be in charge of the country's elections, people whose yes is yes and their no, is no. They must be either lawyers or retired judges because they know what the law says; not just anybody."

But Anthony Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie, Catholic Archbishop of Lagos said that it is wrong to say that democracy exists in a state of injustice. Said he, "I wish our government can give to Caesar what is Caesar's and to God what is God's but that is not the case. "

Also a Muslim cleric, Dr Shafaudeen Olagoke, President, Ajagun Esin Consultative Forum (AECF) and Spiritual Head, Shafaudeen in Islam, Ibadan, Oyo State said that Nigerian Muslims have played a prominent role in making sure that democracy thrives in the last 10 years by speaking up for what is right and condemning evil in all its ramifications.

He remarked: "As Muslim leaders, we have rebuked and corrected government when it is wrong. According to the Holy Quran, Chapter 38, verse 36-40, God himself shows us what democracy is, how to practice it and who should practice it. In verse 36, it is said that democracy is for only those who are focused, sincere and who make a conscious effort to run away from sin. In verse 38, democracy is a matter of consensus and dialogue not for dictators. While in verse 39, it states that political parties must be principled to the extent that they should give no room for aberration or indiscipline. Anybody that derails must be called to order.

"We have consistently pointed out the flaws in the way democracy in Nigeria is run. We spoke against all kinds of evil practices that are inimical to our development and against the principles of Islam. We abhor corruption and condemn it in all its ramifications.

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"What we see in Nigeria is a wide disparity between the rich and the poor. Muslims have been crying that the political parties are too many. What this nation needs is what is obtainable in the US - a two-party state. We have been sensitizing our followers to know their rights."

The Muslim cleric stressed that only democracy can offer Nigerians the kind of peace they need to move our nation forward. "With the dawn of a new era of democracy, the expectation of Nigerians was that democracy would take us to our Eldorado. But how wrong we were! The democracy we are seeing today is a disappointment. The entire basic infrastructure is gone. Government has failed where power is concerned.

"Democracy, as it is practised in Nigeria today, is fraught with all kinds of fraudulent practices. This has brought retrogression and under-development to us as a nation. It is sad that this is certainly not the kind of democracy that Nigerians bargained for," he added.

Source: This Day

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